Measuring the Influence of Political Actors on the Federal Budget

with Ben Hammond. 2020, American Political Science Review.

Abstract. When estimating the political determinants of the federal budget, scholars face a choice between using measures of funding and measures of spending as their outcome of interest. We examine the consequences of this choice. In particular, we argue that spending outcomes may serve as a poor test of the research questions scholars seek to answer, since spending data conflate competing budgetary influences, are downstream measures of the appropriations that originated them, and induce measurement error. To test our claim, we compare the spending data used in a recent study (Berry and Fowler 2016: American Journal of Political Science 60 (3): 692–708) with an original data set of military construction appropriations. While an analysis of the spending data produces a null result, the same analysis using the appropriations data provides strong evidence that legislators use their committee positions to distribute pork. Our findings have broad implications for studies that use measures of spending in the congressional and presidency literatures.

(Replication materials available here.)

Works in Progress

Congressional Bargaining and the Distribution of Grants

Abstract. In the United States, state and local governments receive over $700 billion annually in federal grants, yet relatively little is known about how Congress designs these programs. I formalize a theory of congressional bargaining over grants and test the theory using an original dataset of Senate amendments. The results suggest that congressional rules and political considerations shape, and at times distort, federal grant programs. While grant programs may be intended to improve education or provide healthcare, I find that members of Congress treat these programs as opportunities to procure more funding for their constituents. Further, I show how coalitions are shaped by the status quo policy and the distribution of population, poverty, and other measures of need across states. These results have important implications for our understanding of the policymaking process and the effectiveness of federal programs.

The Distributive Politics of Grants-in-Aid

Abstract. The vast majority of federal assistance is allocated to state and local governments based on demographic characteristics. What is the impact of allocating funding this way? I bring together decades of data on federal education programs to examine how state characteristics interact with forces traditionally thought to influence federal spending. I show that allocating funding based on state characteristics changes the impact of committee influence on legislative outcomes. I find that Senate committee chairs alter grant programs to procure more funding for their states, but this benefit spills over to other states with similar characteristics. For example, I show that when committee chairs represent states with high poverty, Congress enacts grant programs that better target funding to all high poverty areas. This complicates our understanding of distributive politics and has implications for redistribution and the provision of public goods.

The Politicization of Congressional Capacity

with Nathan Gibson and Ben Hammond

Abstract. Congress has experienced an increase in dysfunction, gridlock and polarization over the past several decades. While no doubt there are numerous causes behind these maladies, we hypothesize that the politicization of congressional capacity plays an important role. By this, we mean that the funding and staffing of congressional committees has become increasingly political, instead of being based primarily upon expertise or need. This paper explores changes in committee capacity in two ways. We first examine the broader context of committee resource allocation through several decades of House and Senate disbursement reports, exploring how political considerations may influence the allocation of budget and personnel resources within Congress. Then, we propose a novel data set that uses House and Senate telephone directories to track the employment and movement within Congress of all House and Senate staffers from 1977 to 2018. We present initial results from a subset of these data and note evidence of emerging trends.